{"id":797,"date":"2017-02-14T14:54:41","date_gmt":"2017-02-14T13:54:41","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.falmafshazi.com\/?p=797"},"modified":"2017-02-14T16:00:59","modified_gmt":"2017-02-14T15:00:59","slug":"interviste-me-disidentin","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/falmafshazi.com\/?p=797","title":{"rendered":"Intervist\u00eb | Me disidentin…"},"content":{"rendered":"

Bisedoi: Alda Bardhyli<\/strong><\/p>\n

gazeta-shqip.com , 14 shkurt 2017<\/b><\/strong><\/a><\/p>\n

Falma Fshazi, drejtoresha e COD (Q\u00ebndra p\u00ebr Hapje dhe Dialog) vjen n\u00eb nj\u00eb bised\u00eb mbi ish presidentin<\/span><\/b>\u00a0<\/span><\/b><\/span>\u00e7ek Vaclav Havel<\/strong><\/p>\n

N\u00eb prill t\u00eb vitit 1995 presidenti \u00e7ek Vaclav Havel do t\u00eb linte m\u00ebnjan\u00eb fjalimin e radh\u00ebs, e do t\u00eb niste t\u00eb shkruante n\u00eb sh\u00ebnimet q\u00eb gjendeshin zakonsh\u00ebm mbi tryez\u00ebn e pun\u00ebs. \u00ab\u00a0Fillimisht di\u00e7ka t\u00eb shkurt\u00ebr p\u00ebr veten: dy dit\u00ebt e para t\u00eb Pashk\u00ebve (t\u00eb premten e t\u00eb shtun\u00ebn) i kalova shum\u00eb keq. U nevrikosa ndaj gjith\u00eb bot\u00ebs ndoshta sepse nuk kam asnj\u00eb Pashk\u00eb dhe m\u00eb duhet t\u00eb punoj (si infermier\u00ebt n\u00eb urgjence dhe drejtuesit e trenave) ose sepse duhet t\u00eb shkruaj kaq fjalime menj\u00ebher\u00eb) ose sepse kam shum\u00eb materiale q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb lexoj, rreth 300 faqe ose sepse nuk m\u00eb funksion printeri pa t\u00eb cilin fjalimet nuk mund t\u2019i shkruaj ose sepse nuk mund t\u00eb gjej dik\u00eb, i cili mund t\u00eb riparoj\u00eb at\u00eb sepse gjat\u00eb festave t\u00eb gjith\u00eb jan\u00eb larg. M\u00eb duket vetja si nj\u00eb njeri i tradhtuar nga historia, e cila e ngarkoi me nj\u00eb mori detyrash dhe tani mundohet se si t\u2019i zot\u00ebroj\u00eb k\u00ebto dhe vjen v\u00ebrdall\u00eb k\u00ebtu si luani n\u00eb kafaz, i cili vuan nga eg\u00ebrsia ndaj nj\u00eb viktime t\u00eb pap\u00ebrcaktuar (e kur e di se rrufeprit\u00ebsi i propozuar \u00ebsht\u00eb zyra ime)\u2026\u00a0\u00bb T\u00eb q\u00ebnurit nj\u00eb njeri politik, nuk qe e leht\u00eb p\u00ebr burrin q\u00eb deri at\u00ebher\u00eb i ishte dor\u00ebzuar letrave. Me nj\u00eb aft\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u00eb dep\u00ebrtuar n\u00eb zem\u00ebr t\u00eb historis\u00eb, duke e orientuar at\u00eb drejt kahut t\u00eb duhur, sot Vaclav Havel nuk mund t\u00eb kujtohet vet\u00ebm si nj\u00eb njeri politik. Ai kujtohet si nj\u00eb personazh i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm q\u00eb i erdhi historis\u00eb, n\u00eb nj\u00eb kap\u00ebrcyell t\u00eb brisht\u00eb ngjarjesh, p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbetur p\u00ebrgjithnj\u00eb aty. COD,(Q\u00ebndra p\u00ebr Hapje dhe Dialog) e solli Havelin vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb jav\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb p\u00ebrmes disa aktiviteteve. Do ket\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb nj\u00eb lidhje t\u00eb q\u00ebn\u00ebsishme mes k\u00ebtij personazhi t\u00eb historis\u00eb dhe letrave\u00a0 \u00e7eke dhe Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb, p\u00ebr vet\u00eb t\u00eb shkuar\u00ebn e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt q\u00eb dy v\u00ebndet kan\u00eb. Shembulli i nj\u00eb desidenti par exelence, nj\u00eb shembull i munguar n\u00eb let\u00ebrsin\u00eb ton\u00eb, rr\u00ebfimet p\u00ebr Havel na \u00e7ojn\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb n\u00eb rrug\u00ebn drejt s\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs. Esht\u00eb Falma Fshazi, drejtoresha e COD, dhe nj\u00eb lexuese e mir\u00eb e Havel, e cila vjen m\u00eb posht\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb bised\u00eb mbi nj\u00eb personazh q\u00eb vazhdon t\u00eb mbetet grish\u00ebs p\u00ebr historin\u00eb\u2026<\/p>\n

Dy vjet pas l\u00ebnies s\u00eb postit t\u00eb Presidentit, Vaclav Havel shprehej n\u00eb Nju Jork se ndihej i nervozuar, pasi kishte koh\u00eb q\u00eb nuk shkruante, duke e quajtur shkrimin si nj\u00eb \u201cdetyrim t\u00eb preksh\u00ebm\u201d. Le ta nisim nga kjo gjendjee Havelit bised\u00ebn, p\u00ebr t\u00eb folur mbi var\u00ebsin\u00eb nga shkrimi t\u00eb mendjeve t\u00eb m\u00ebdha, si\u00e7 ishte dhe Haveli\u2026?<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

Do t\u00eb them modestisht se e kuptoj nervozizmin e dikujt q\u00eb shkruan kur ka kaluar koh\u00eb pa hedhur di\u00e7ka t\u00eb qen\u00ebsishme n\u00eb let\u00ebr,p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb munges\u00ebs s\u00eb nj\u00eb hap\u00ebsire mendore e shpirt\u00ebrore q\u00eb t\u00eb nevojitet p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb. Nj\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00eb kjo q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb dhe nj\u00eb largim nga realiteti e sidomos politika. Larg\u00ebsi q\u00eb t\u00eb lejon t\u00eb shoh\u00ebsh t\u00ebr\u00ebsin\u00eb dhe kompleksitetin e gj\u00ebrave. Vaclav Havel \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb nga penat e rralla q\u00eb hyri n\u00eb sken\u00ebn politike pa e v\u00ebn\u00eb, t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn n\u00eb shumic\u00ebn e rasteve, talentin dhe forc\u00ebn e pen\u00ebs s\u00eb tij n\u00eb sh\u00ebrbim t\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb dit\u00ebs. Ka nj\u00eb fjalim t\u00eb Havelit n\u00eb Davos, n\u00eb 1992. N\u00eb kurset e shkrimit krijues n\u00eb Harvard p\u00ebrdoret si tekst m\u00ebsimi, i vler\u00ebsuar si nj\u00eb nga fjalimet m\u00eb t\u00eb mira t\u00eb b\u00ebra ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb. Arsyeja kryesoree k\u00ebsaj \u00ebsht\u00eb se autori nuk i jepet frazave t\u00eb bukura pa brend\u00ebsi, si\u00e7 ndodh r\u00ebndom n\u00eb politik\u00eb. Nuk tenton t\u00eb punoj\u00eb me fjal\u00ebn p\u00ebr t\u00eb ofruar nj\u00eb vep\u00ebr estetike,momentalisht magjeps\u00ebse, si\u00e7 ndodh gati gjithnj\u00eb me fjalimet e mira politike. Padyshim q\u00eb ai ka talentin estetik, por mbetet i fokusuar te mendimi dhe analiza, pa u shqet\u00ebsuar aspak sa \u201ct\u00ebrheq\u00ebs, madje seksi\u201d\u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebr audienc\u00ebn, sa do ta duartrokasin duke th\u00ebn\u00eb: \u201c\u00e7far\u00eb bukurie k\u00ebto fjali; ku i gjen k\u00ebto informacione; po si e gjeti at\u00eb shprehjen q\u00eb s`e gjejn\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt\u201d. Jo, ai \u00ebsht\u00eb i dedikuar t\u00eb ofroj\u00eb nj\u00eb t\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb mendimi q\u00eb k\u00ebrkon p\u00ebrqendrim, q\u00eb provokon reflektim dhe shkon shum\u00eb p\u00ebrtej nj\u00eb duartrokitjejeentuziaste, sepse\u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb zhytje n\u00eb ide, dije, koncepte, kontekst, filozofi. Ndoshta do t\u00eb thoni q\u00eb k\u00ebto nuk t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb popullor. Nd\u00ebrsa un\u00eb do t\u00eb thosha se do ishte m\u00eb mir\u00eb si\u00e7e b\u00ebnte Haveli, q\u00eb populli t\u00eb mos merrej si nj\u00eb turm\u00eb krijesash t\u00ebetura p\u00ebr llokma populizmi. Njer\u00ebzit ekuptojn\u00eb, i t\u00ebrheq dhee pranojn\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb cil\u00ebsin\u00ebe mendimit. Rastet kur duket se kjo d\u00ebshton jan\u00eb rastet kur nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb cil\u00ebsi, por mediokritet ose hipokrizi, dhe bie si kala r\u00ebre p\u00ebrball\u00eb\u00e7do lloj injoranceapo arrogance. Ndaj \u00ebsht\u00eb i kuptuesh\u00ebm nervozizmi i tij, kur dhe pas 2 vitesh largimi nga politika aktivenuk arrin t\u00eb shoh\u00eb n\u00eb distanc\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsin\u00eb dhe kompleksitetin e gj\u00ebrave, ose nuk arrin t\u00eb derdh\u00eb n\u00eb let\u00ebr analiz\u00ebn q\u00eb i \u00ebsht\u00eb kristalizuar p\u00ebrbrenda. Apo nuk arrin t\u00ebp\u00ebr\u00e7oj\u00eb idet\u00eb q\u00eb ai e di se shkojn\u00eb p\u00ebrtej banalitetit, mediokritetit, hipokrizis\u00eb dhe sip\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb dit\u00ebs, debateve t\u00eb saj ose dhe pak p\u00ebrtej saj, n\u00eb analiza e shkrime p\u00ebr shqet\u00ebsime t\u00eb prekshme, por jo \u201cdetyrime t\u00eb prekshme\u201d, q\u00eb jan\u00eb detyrime qytetaree intelektuale, pa v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb qend\u00ebr gjithnj\u00eb vetveten, private ose profesionale, me ose padashje.<\/p>\n

Ju, figur\u00ebn e Vaclav Havelit, me \u00e7far\u00eb e lidhni m\u00eb shum\u00eb, me disidentin, dramaturgun e shkrimtarin apo politikanin?<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

Me disidentin. M\u00eb duket se dramaturgu dhe shkrimtari tek ai marrin forc\u00eb nga disidenca. P\u00ebrsa i p\u00ebrket politikanit, m\u00eb duket se \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb sprov\u00eb q\u00eb pak kush e ka kaluar i pacenuar n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsin\u00eb e vet njer\u00ebzore dhe intelektuale. Haveli\u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb nga ato q\u00eb i ka rezistuar pak a shum\u00eb, por edhe te rasti i tij dallohet qart\u00eb se politika dhe pushteti jan\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb rrezikshme se burgu. Disidenca, mendja kritike, n\u00eb \u00e7do kontekst jan\u00eb themele t\u00eb intelektualizmit dhe padyshim, burime frym\u00ebzimi, si p\u00ebr individin, si p\u00ebr lexuesin. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuptim, gjithmon\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb i parap\u00eblqyer disidenti. \u00adNd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, nj\u00eb post scriptum p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje. PS: Kur them mendje kritike, nuk e kam fjal\u00ebn p\u00ebr \u201cun\u00eb t\u00eb thash\u00eb, ti m\u00eb the, un\u00eb e b\u00ebra, ti s\u2019e b\u00ebre, ti nuk e ke b\u00ebr\u00eb, por thua se e ke b\u00ebr\u00eb, s\u00eb ti je k\u00ebshtu e un\u00eb jam ashtu,etj\u201d. P\u00ebrplasje t\u00eb dit\u00ebs, si varf\u00ebri e tmerrshme idesh, luft\u00eb gjelash apo p\u00ebrplasje mllefesh e interesash.<\/p>\n

Milan\u00a0 Kundera, q\u00eb n\u00eb shkrimet e para e quante Havelin si njeri politik, duke paralajm\u00ebruar dhe at\u00eb \u00e7far\u00eb ndodhi m\u00eb pas me karrier\u00ebn e tij. Kush e prodhoi, sipas jush, njeriun politik tek ai?<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

Debati mes Kunder\u00ebs dhe Havelit \u00ebsht\u00eb pasionant. Shp\u00ebrfaqet n\u00eb\u201968-t\u00ebn, bashk\u00eb me at\u00eb q\u00eb quhet Pranvera e Prag\u00ebs. \u00cbsht\u00eb debati mes dy disident\u00ebve me histori, natyra e qasje t\u00eb ndryshme. Nj\u00ebri, Kundera, zgjedh t\u00eb ik\u00eb nga vendi, n\u00eb mes t\u00eb viteve\u201970-t\u00eb; tjetri, Haveli,mbetet aty dhe burgoset p\u00ebr vite t\u00eb t\u00ebra. Kundera vazhdon edhe sot t\u00eb jetoj\u00eb e shkruaj\u00eb n\u00eb Paris, nd\u00ebrsa Haveli jetoi e vdiq n\u00eb \u00c7eki, u p\u00ebrfshi n\u00eb politik\u00eb, duke shkuar shum\u00eb p\u00ebrtej intelektualit disident dhe angazhimit qytetar. Debati mes tyre \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrballje e gjat\u00eb me shkrime, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr at\u00eb q\u00eb quhet \u201c\u00e7\u00ebshtja \u00e7eke,\u201dka ne gjeneze zhvillimet politike n\u00eb \u00c7eki n\u00eb 1968-\u201869 dhe shtypjen e reformave nga tanket sovjetike. \u00cbsht\u00eb debat q\u00eb p\u00ebrfshin dhe shum\u00eb teori politike n\u00eb lidhje me t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn e vet\u00ebvendosjes s\u00eb popujve. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuptim, p\u00ebr t\u00eb th\u00ebn\u00eb di\u00e7ka mbi Kunder\u00ebn q\u00eb i thot\u00eb Havelit \u201cnjeri politik\u201d, apo p\u00ebr Havelin si \u201cnjeri politik\u201d, duhet folur mbi debatin e tyre t\u00ebkahersh\u00ebm dhe p\u00ebrballjen e dy rrug\u00ebve, dy historive, dy zgjedhjeve. \u00cbsht\u00eb nj\u00eb pasuri shum\u00ebe madhe kjo p\u00ebr nj\u00eb popull. Nj\u00eb pasuri p\u00ebr t\u2019u pasur zili. Nd\u00ebrsa, p\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrket \u201cnjeriut politik\u201d, mendoj se qytetaria \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb status n\u00eb thelb politik. Identifikimi si shtetas i nj\u00eb vendi, A-ja e qytetaris\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb akt politik. Nj\u00eb komb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb e t\u00ebr\u00eb politike, sepse kufijt\u00eb jan\u00eb vendimmarrje politike. Por kjo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb detyrimisht politika e dit\u00ebs. Kur Kundera i thot\u00eb Havelit \u201cnjeri politik\u201d, ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me politik\u00ebn e dit\u00ebs, sepse si qytetar\u00ebe intelektual\u00eb, ato jan\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn shkall\u00eb njer\u00ebz politik\u00eb. \u201cPolitikanin\u201d te Haveli duket sikur e prodhon q\u00ebndrimi n\u00eb \u00c7eki, dometh\u00ebn\u00eb, moszgjedhja e largimit si Kundera, \u00a0dhe p\u00ebrfshirja n\u00eb p\u00ebrditshm\u00ebrin\u00ebe k\u00ebtij vendi. Ndoshta dhe qenia e tij \u201coptimist\u201d, si\u00e7 vler\u00ebsohet nga shum\u00eb. Por \u00e7far\u00eb ndodh pas k\u00ebsaj p\u00ebrfshirjeje, kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb histori tjet\u00ebr q\u00eb ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me nj\u00eb rrug\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb rrezikshme p\u00ebr an\u00ebn intelektuale dhe shpirt\u00ebrore. Kundera, si disident i kahersh\u00ebm dhe i v\u00ebrtet\u00eb si vet\u00eb Haveli, por q\u00eb zgjodhi larg\u00ebsin\u00eb nga politika e dit\u00ebs, kishte mund\u00ebsin\u00eb ta shihte k\u00ebt\u00eb rrezik, t\u00eb cilin, n\u00eb nj\u00ebfar\u00eb m\u00ebnyre,e paralajm\u00ebroi.<\/p>\n

COD ka pasur nj\u00eb jav\u00eb kushtuar k\u00ebsaj figure\u2026 \u00c7far\u00eb ishte kjo jav\u00eb?<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

Menduam se \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb dometh\u00ebn\u00ebse t\u00eb flasim p\u00ebr Vaclav Havel dhe politik\u00ebn e nd\u00ebrgjegjen, n\u00eb nj\u00eb moment kur m\u00eb duket se Shqip\u00ebria ka nevoj\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb nj\u00eb lloj llogarie me politik\u00ebn dhe politikan\u00ebt e pasdiktatur\u00ebs; nj\u00eb llogari kjo q\u00eb ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me disidenc\u00ebn, me intelektualizmin, me politik\u00ebn e dit\u00ebs, me politik\u00ebn identitare, me demokracin\u00eb, me shkall\u00ebn e zhvillimit, me cil\u00ebsin\u00ebe institucioneve dhe pritshm\u00ebrit\u00ebe nj\u00eb vendi q\u00ebi duhet t`i b\u00ebj\u00eb gjith\u00eb k\u00ebto llogari n\u00eb nj\u00eb kontekst pik\u00ebpyetjesh politike, identitare, kulturore e morale p\u00ebr shum\u00eb vende apo entitete q\u00eb i kishte si referenc\u00eb; Shtetete Bashkuara, Bashkimi Europian e vende t\u00eb tjera per\u00ebndimore. Duke sjell\u00ebp\u00ebrvoj\u00ebn e Havelit nga burimet m\u00eb prestigjioze, u munduam q\u00eb gjat\u00eb nj\u00eb jave ta hapim k\u00ebt\u00eb diskutim me student\u00eb, me shoq\u00ebrin\u00eb civile, me qytetar\u00ebt e m\u00eb tej. Besoj se ia arrit\u00ebm deri diku q\u00ebllimit, n\u00eb nj\u00eb kontekst kur njer\u00ebzit trajtohen si turma q\u00eb mezi pret, k\u00ebto llokmat e populizmit; ndonj\u00eb thashethem, ndonj\u00eb p\u00ebrplasje, ndonj\u00eb citim a poezi arg\u00ebtuese, ndonj\u00eb shfaqje shum\u00eb\u201cimpresionuese,\u201d ndonj\u00eb\u201czbulim\u201d t\u00eb hatash\u00ebm, ndonj\u00eb atdhetariz\u00ebm marramend\u00ebs, protagonizmin \u201ckaq jetik\u201d p\u00ebr vendin,etj.,etj. Dhe n\u00eb kontekstin ku COD shihet prej disave si nj\u00eb loj\u00eb, mjet apo vitrin\u00eb pushtetare, e jo si nj\u00eb mund\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u00eb ngritur z\u00ebrin n\u00eb nj\u00eb nd\u00ebrtes\u00eb q\u00eb qysh kur u nd\u00ebrtua nuk u b\u00eb p\u00ebr njer\u00ebzit,edhe pseu takonte atyre,edhe pse qytetar\u00ebt do t\u00eb ishin ato q\u00eb do t\u00eb paguanin kostot. Pik\u00ebrisht nga k\u00ebto reagime ndaj COD, kam kuptuar sa e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri-, ku s`pati \u201cpranver\u00eb\u201d n\u00eb 1968, por revolucion kulturor-, t\u00eb \u00e7montosh nga mentaliteti dhe uni i individ\u00ebve pro ose kund\u00ebr pushtetit, pushtetin si nj\u00eb kult, si nj\u00eb t\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb, si nj\u00eb gjigant t\u00eb plotfuqish\u00ebm q\u00eb t\u00eb kaplon sa i afrohesh te dera.<\/p>\n

Sa e ndihmojn\u00eb historit\u00eb e ish-komunizmit, jo vet\u00ebm vendet q\u00eb e kan\u00eb jetuar at\u00eb, por dhe vende t\u00eb tjera n\u00eb k\u00ebto koh\u00ebra?<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

Dukeu kthyer n\u00eb fillimet, n\u00eb instalimin e pushtetit komunist besoj se,si vendet ish-komuniste, si dhe vendet e tjera, mund t\u00eb nxjerrin shum\u00eb shembuj q\u00eb ndri\u00e7ojn\u00eb t\u00eb sotmen e ndihmojn\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos r\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtat kurthe politike, kulturore, administrative. P\u00ebrve\u00e7 k\u00ebsaj, mendoj se komunizmi trash\u00ebgoi jo pak nga regjimet fashiste, sidomos p\u00ebrsa i p\u00ebrket identitetit kulturor dhe arsimit. Nd\u00ebrsa sot, k\u00ebsaj trash\u00ebgimie komuniste, n\u00eb thelb t\u00eb pacenuar, po i shtohet dhe natyra e lidhjeveekonomi-politik\u00eb t\u00eb fashizmit, ne versionin e klaneve, rrjetet pushtet-biznes-marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie publike. Ndaj besoj se do t\u00ebndihmonte m\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb shkonim dhe pak m\u00eb p\u00ebrpara, te fashizmi, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht i tipit musolinian. Dhe kjo, pik\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr vendet ish-komuniste, por dhe p\u00ebrtej.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr ju, cili \u00ebsht\u00eb libri m\u00eb i dashur nga Havel?<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

\u201cLetra p\u00ebr Olg\u00ebn\u201d (Letters to Olga), d\u00ebrguar nga burgu, gruas s\u00eb tij. Aty shihet qart\u00eb se si burgu nuk arriti t\u00eb cenoj\u00eb as shpirtin e tij disident, as forc\u00ebn e dashuris\u00eb, as optimizmin, as forc\u00ebn e pen\u00ebs, as dashurin\u00eb p\u00ebr njer\u00ebzit e njer\u00ebzimin, as dashurin\u00eb p\u00ebr vendin e tij, as kthjellt\u00ebsin\u00eb e analiz\u00ebs, as nivelin e intelektualizmit. \u00cbsht\u00eb nj\u00eb lib\u00ebr thell\u00ebsisht prek\u00ebs n\u00eb shum\u00eb pik\u00ebpamje. Java Havel u b\u00eb dhe shkas i rikujtimit t\u00eb gjith\u00ebemocionit q\u00eb sjellky lib\u00ebr p\u00ebr t\u00eb filluar n\u00eb COD nj\u00eb seri me libra disi t\u00eb ngjash\u00ebm, do t\u00eb thosha. Por p\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrket detajeve, si\u00e7\u00ebsht\u00eb ajo shprehja, \u201cle t\u00eb mbetet surpriz\u00eb\u201de jav\u00ebve n\u00eb vijim.<\/p>\n

Si do t\u2019i komentonit disa sh\u00ebnime t\u00eb tij:<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

N\u00ebse do t\u00eb ishte e mundshme, do t\u00eb shkruaja vet\u00ebm at\u00ebher\u00eb kur ndiej nevoj\u00ebn e pakund\u00ebrshtueshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb th\u00ebn\u00eb di\u00e7ka. Por kjo m\u00eb duket e parealizueshme. P\u00ebr shembull, tani me d\u00ebshir\u00eb do t\u00eb kisha shkruar p\u00ebr nj\u00eb tem\u00eb, p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebn me v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsi mund t\u00eb shkruaj, p\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, kur jam n\u00eb Indi ose Tajland\u00eb. Kjo tem\u00eb, n\u00ebse do ta them thjesht, \u00ebsht\u00eb rishfaqja \u201ce shpirtit t\u00eb vog\u00ebl \u00e7ek\u201e (\u00e7echa\u00e7kovstv\u00ed) n\u00eb politik\u00ebn \u00e7eke, si versioni yn\u00eb i postkomunizmit. \u201c\u00c7echa\u00e7kovstv\u00edn\u201d do ta kisha ilustruar me shembuj t\u00eb shumt\u00eb nga politika jon\u00eb e brendshme dhee jashtme (\u2026)<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

M\u00eb duket si malli p\u00ebr disidenc\u00ebn. Koh\u00ebn kur shijon lirin\u00eb intelektualee qytetare, pa asnj\u00eb lloj kompromisi, dhe frym\u00ebzohesh nga ajo n\u00eb at\u00eb shkall\u00eb, sa beson se mund t\u00eb b\u00ebsh ndryshimin dhe b\u00ebhesh n\u00eb fakt, vet\u00eb ndryshimi. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, kjo disidenc\u00eb dhe pasioni i intelektualit e aktivistit vjen dhe si lidhjee pandashme me aspirat\u00ebn e p\u00ebrhershme t\u00eb Havelit, p\u00ebr t\u00eb sjell\u00ebe qen\u00eb ndryshim n\u00eb vendin e tij. Por, besoj se ka r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi konteksti kur e si i ka th\u00ebn\u00eb. Nj\u00eb shprehjee till\u00eb\u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb ndryshee th\u00ebn\u00eb nga nj\u00eb politikan aktiv, sepse politika aktive, sidomos n\u00eb pushtet, por jo vet\u00ebm,edhe jeta shum\u00ebpublike, n\u00eb nj\u00eb pik\u00eb, fillon e b\u00ebhet flirt i vijuesh\u00ebm me narcisizmin e protagonizmin dhe askush nuk i shp\u00ebton dot k\u00ebsaj. Gjithsesi, ne m\u00ebsuam nga java Havel n\u00eb COD, prej fjal\u00ebvet\u00eb nj\u00eb miku t\u00eb ngusht\u00eb idealesh e bashkepunimesh, se Havel ngeli gjithnj\u00ebi thjesht\u00eb, q\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se p\u00ebrvecse nj\u00eb mendje e ndritur ai ishte dhe mendjehapur; nuk pushoi s\u00eb m\u00ebsuari nga t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt, admiruari jet\u00ebn e njerezit, dhe zbuluari dicka ndryshme n\u00eb mos \u00e7do dit\u00eb, shpesh.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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